In the waning days of the Bloomberg administration, when many of the mayor’s controversial education ideas are once again under attack, one chief target of critics has been the school network structure, which broke up the geographically organized school districts and allowed principals to self-select into one of about 60 support organizations.
These days, just about everyone from the principals’ union (the Council of Supervisors and Administrators) to Merryl Tisch, Chancellor of the NY State Board of Regents, to Mayor-elect Bill de Blasio are targeting the networks for elimination. Tisch recently charged that the networks have “basically failed children” who are English Language Learners and have special needs. Last January, de Blasio said: “I am dubious about whether this current network structure can be kept.”
But now, a group of 120 principals has issued a plea, in the form of a letter, in support of the network structure. The letter, which is reproduced below, was sent to Mayor-elect de Blasio, the UFT, the CSA, Schools Chancellor Dennis Walcott and Shael Polakow-Suransky, the Senior Deputy Chancellor last Friday. It says the networks offer the following supports, which were not “necessarily” provided through other more traditional structures at the Department of Education:
1. The gathering of schools of similar visions or purpose: the internationals, special ed reform focused, collaboratively structured, and schools committed to alternative assessment. This enables these schools to work more closely together and support each other towards better meeting their missions.
2. Shifting the supervisory structure into an advisory and support structure. It makes all the difference in the world that the network leader and team members are not the principals’ rating officer. Our networks have been responsive to us and in many cases network principals have had a say in the selection of network staff.
3. Networks support professional development that better meets the needs of the teachers, administrators, and other support staff in our schools and that allows for cross-pollination across our schools.
4. Because of racial and economic segregation by neighborhood in New York City, geographic districts are often segregated as well. Self-selected networks offer the option of racially and economically diverse schools working together and benefitting greatly from this collaboration.
The networks go to the heart of what might be the most important education initiative of the Bloomberg years: An effort to turn principals into educational leaders by giving them both greater autonomy and support in exchange for increased accountability. Under the network structure, principals were no longer just accountable to superintendents. The networks represented a countervailing power designed to support principals—and, through them, the needs of students in each individual school—by providing information and advice on everything from budgets to professional development. Principals could—and did—vote with their feet if they were unsatisfied with the services they got from their networks.
Recruiting, training and retaining high-quality principals continues to be a challenge for the DOE. But the concept of the Principal-as-CEO unleashed a kind of grassroots entrepreneurialism at the schools where it worked best, energizing teachers and benefiting kids. The pedagogical creativity that has flourished at schools like Global Technology Preparatory in Harlem, West Side Collaborative on Manhattan’s Upper West Side and the Staten Island School of Civic Leadership, which were led by a cadre of new, or newly empowered, principals, offers a powerful argument for betting on the ability of traditional public schools to innovate. These principals experimented with curriculum and sought input from teachers to develop creative new ways of teaching. They enlisted private-sector partners to help support everything from technology initiatives to after-school programs. And, along the way, they ignored mandates that they felt got in the way of their schools’ missions. I’ve written about some of these principals and schools here and here.
This is especially important at a time when privatization and the charter sector are being held up by many education “reformers” as the best way to transform education. Indeed, these schools generally offer a broader range of educational choices than do charters. And, in many cases, the schools have flourished with a much more challenging group of kids than neighboring charter schools. To name just one example, at Global Technology Preparatory, a four-year-old Title 1 school that has gotten only As and Bs on its school report cards and rave reviews from parents and students, 40 percent of the students have special needs, double the rate at nearby charter schools.
You do not have to believe that public schools are “broken” in order to acknowledge that every school (indeed, every institution) needs strong leadership and constant improvement. The only question is: Who is best equipped to drive that improvement—distant bureaucrats, a superintendent, or the schools themselves? One lesson of my favorite management theorist, W. Edwards Deming, is that improvement comes from those closest to the system. In the case of schools—from principals, teachers, parents and even students.
The network structure grew out of an experiment known as the Autonomy Zone (sometimes also referred to as the Empowerment Network,) which initially included 29 schools. “We didn’t need to be told by the powers-that-be what the right thing to do is for kids,” recalls Julie Zuckerman, who was one of the original Autonomy Zone principals (at highly regarded Central Park East)—she recently launched the Castle Bridge School in the Washington Heights–and helped draft the letter in defense of the network structure. “We also disagreed with the punishment paradigm in supervision. It’s no carrot and all stick. And that is absolutely not what we think is good for kids, ourselves, our colleagues.”
Soon, in one of many Bloomberg-era reorganizations, every school in the city became part of a network.
The two most obvious benefits of the network structure was that “you could break through the old patterns of patronage and corruption that existed for years,” argues Eric Nadelstern, a long-time New York City educator-turned-top-Klein lieutenant who spearheaded the networks. Nadelstern, who is now a Visiting Professor of Practice at Columbia University’s Teachers College, notes that local politicians had, for years, used schools as a job bank for loyal constituents.
Then, too, by stripping away the bureaucracy, Nadelstern estimates that the DOE saved $565,000 per school through the network structure. In his recently published book, Ten Lessons from New York City Schools, Nadelstern estimates that school superintendents who managed 20 schools under the old district structure and employed 120 staff members, “skimmed” an estimated $650,000 per school in management fees. By contrast the networks, which work with 25 to 30 schools each and employ only about 15 people, cost about $85,000 per school. The balance of that savings has largely gone back into school budgets, says Nadelstern.
By giving principals power of the purse and allowing them to choose their networks–and switch if they weren’t happy—network leaders were expected to serve more as coaches than bosses. “Schools find this arrangement of working with other schools and building professional relationships much more useful than the old superintendencies,” says Nancy Mann, the principal of Fannie Lou Hamer Freedom High School in the Bronx, and one of the letter’s signatories. Mann also says she was able rely on network staff for technical help and advice, especially as budgeting has become “more complex”; but, she adds: “I’m the one who decides” how to allocate the budget.
Yet, after a decade of business-minded reforms, even the staunchest defenders of the networks concede that the going is getting tougher—because of the dizzying reorganizations and policy changes of the Bloomberg years, because of new government mandates and because of the centrifugal force of the DOE bureaucracy.
One key problem that has undermined the networks and principal autonomy is the Bloomberg administration’s failure to resolve the tension between its desire for fast-paced change and the reality that long-term improvement requires a measure of stability–especially for schools and kids.
The constant ferment of school reform has been exacerbated by the Bloomberg administrations penchant to distrust and devalue the expertise of educators, which was exemplified by Klein’s botched succession and the short-lived appointment of Cathleen Black, a Hearst executive with no education experience; the appointment of Dennis Walcott as caretaker-in-chief; and the exodus of key architects of the Klein reforms.
About a year ago, Walcott ended the practice of allowing principals to roll over money from one year’s budget to the next. The freedom to roll-over budgets was seen by principals as a key tool for forward planning; for example, money saved one year could help pay for a major technology purchase the next.
New Federal and state mandates, including new standardized tests pegged to the Common Core State Standards and a Byzantine new teacher-evaluation system, are giving principals less and less room to maneuver. In the process, the networks have become more focused on compliance than on helping principals solve problems. “The irony is that the vehicle used to decentralize the system proved equally effective when the folks at the top decided to recentralize,” says Nadelstern.
The far-flung networks, which sometimes bring together schools across different boroughs, also have come under fire for not being responsive enough to local community concerns. But Zuckerman says parents don’t realize that they can call on networks directly. A bigger problem, she says, is the DOE’s “patronizing and top-down approach” to opening and closing schools. “None of that planning begins in communities,” says Zuckerman. “No one has come out and said: What do you want and need? That’s not the fault of networks.”
Nevertheless, some principals have begun to lose faith in the networks’ ability to serve as a buffer against the bureaucracy. “The DOE system, as I experience it, represents a hierarchy that promotes the standardization of curriculum, teacher and student evaluations and school organization,” wrote Jeanne Rotunda in an email explaining why she declined to sign the letter in support of the networks. “The networks, while providing professional development and sympathetic ears, are increasingly pressed to keep their schools in compliance and ‘good standing’ based on test scores. If we were able to return to the Empowerment Networks [aka Autonomy Zones] where principals had autonomy, while being held accountable, then that is a letter I would have signed.”
Meanwhile, Global Tech’s principal, Chrystina Russell, left the DOE this fall, citing the growing bureaucracy as one reason for her departure. Had she remained at the DOE, Russell says she would have signed the letter if only because “all of the energy put into changing the system will take away from pushing forward on the priorities within the schools that need to be addressed.”
Indeed, returning to the old power-structure will not be easy. The new administration might disband the networks and return the schools to district control. But if the de Blasio administration envisions restoring the power–and budget control–of the superintendents, the schools are sure to resist.
Here is the full text of the letter in defense of networks:
In support of the network structure option
As people anticipate restructuring at the Department of Education in the next administration, we want to establish our support for keeping networks that work and allowing principals the choice as to whether they stay in those networks or not.
Networks provide particular kinds of support for schools that many of us have found to be invaluable, and that were not necessarily provided through the district, region and ISC structures. These support features are:
1. The gathering of schools of similar visions or purpose: the internationals, special ed reform focused, collaboratively structured, and schools committed to alternative assessment. This enables these schools to work more closely together and support each other towards better meeting their missions.
2. Shifting the supervisory structure into an advisory and support structure. It makes all the difference in the world that the network leader and team members are not the principals’ rating officer. Our networks have been responsive to us and in many cases network principals have had a say in the selection of network staff.
3. Networks support professional development that better meets the needs of the teachers, administrators, and other support staff in our schools and that allows for cross-pollination across our schools.
4. Because of racial and economic segregation by neighborhood in New York City, geographic districts are often segregated as well. Self-selected networks offer the option of racially and economically diverse schools working together and benefitting greatly from this collaboration.
We are deeply committed to our networks and do not want ours to be dismantled because some are not working well for others. We can imagine some kind of hybrid system that allows successful networks to exist and offers more geographic-based structures for those who want that—more like the early days of the Empowerment Zone.
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